Economy Slowing Says Calculated Risk

Great Blogger, Calculated Risk "Clearly the economy is slowing sharply"

What Should Be Done With The Next $350 Billion of Taxpayer Bailout Money: Criteria for TARP II

It's difficult to make the case that the first $350 billion bailout of Wall Street -- so-called "TARP I" -- fulfilled its goals, unless one argues that the Street would have imploded without it, which is pretty much what Hank Paulson is saying these days. And since it's impossible to prove a counter-factual, especially when the Treasury was never clear about TARP I's goals to begin with, Paulson may have a point. But the easier and probably more correct argument is that American taxpayers wasted $350 billion. No one knows exactly where it went -- at least two recent reports reveal that the Treasury had no idea -- but we do know the money did not go to small businesses, struggling homeowners, students, or anyone else needing credit, which was the major public justification for the bailout. In all likelihood, on the basis of the skimpy evidence we now have, the money went instead to bank shareholders in the form of dividends; to bank executives, traders, and directors as compensation (directors of major Wall Street banks continued to pull down an average of $350K each in 2008 merely for sitting in on a handful of board meetings at which they obviously didn't oversee very much); to some holders of bank debt; and to platoons of lawyers, accountants, and other financiers who have advised the banks about other places to park the rest of the money in the meantime.

Congress is now about to give the next Treasury secretary an additional $350 billion, as the second tranche of the bailout. One hopes that the new administration will use it better. Some suggested guidelines:

1. Do not use any of the money to buy stock in -- that is, to "recapitalize" -- the banks. This is a sinkhole of cosmic proportion. Citigroup, to take but one example, has so far received $45 billion of taxpayer cash since early October (along with some $250 billion in taxpayer-supported guarantees from the Fed for junky assets on Citi's balance sheets), and is in far worse financial shape than it was three months ago. Perhaps, someday over the rainbow, these shares in Citi along with Citi's lousy assets will be worth more than taxpayers paid for them. But we're not in Wonderland yet and probably never will be. Giving Citi or any other big bank more taxpayer money is analogous to giving it to Bernard Madoff. It's a giant Ponzi scheme. The money will disappear.

2. Do not use the money to buy the banks' "troubled" assets. This might have made sense a year ago when the proportion of such assets -- which include mortage-backed securities as well as loans to private-equity partnerships that pissed them away -- was relatively small. But these days a huge and growing proportion of bank assets are "troubled." (It's also a huge waste of taxpayer dollars for the Fed to exchange them for Treasury bills.)

3. Prohibit any bank that gets TARP II funds from issuing dividends, purchasing other companies, or paying off creditors.

4. Bar any bank that gets TARP II funds from paying its executives, traders, or directors more than 10 percent of what they received in 2007.

5. Require that any bank getting TARP II funds be reimbursed by its executives, traders, and directors 50 percent of whatever amounts they were compensated in 2005, 2006, 2007, and 2008. This compensation was, after all, based on false premises and fraudulant assertions, and on balance sheets that hid the true extent of these banks' risks and liabilities.

6. Insist that at least 90 percent of the TARP II money be used for new bank loans. If the banks cannot find suitable borrowers, they should return the money.

You may judge these conditions harsh. I think them prudent. They may force a number of big banks to go into chapter 11 bankruptcy, which would not be the end of the world but perhaps the beginning. At least then we'd find out what was on their balance sheets, because they'd have no choice but to sell off some of their junk, even at fire-sale prices (believe me, if the price is low enough, there are investors around the world who will buy them); they'd have to negotiate with their creditors and pay some of them off; many of their CEOs would be fired and directors replaced, which they should have been already; and most of their shareholders would be wiped out, which is unfortunate for them but, hey, they took the risk. In other words, these provisions would force the banks to clean up their balance sheets. This is the only way to get them to start lending again.

Meanwhile, Congress should attach to TARP II -- or to the upcoming stimulus bill -- a small change in the bankruptcy law allowing homeowners to renegotiate their mortgages on their primary residences (as owners of second homes and commercial real estate can already do). The practical effect will be to give homeowners more bargaining leverage with their mortgage banks, and save at least 800,000 homes from foreclosure. Yes, in theory, holders of mortgage-backed securities will take a hit but as a practical matter they've already taken a hit because the securities (and the securities in which they're wrapped) are already deemed to be junk. At the least, this change will put a bit of a damper on the rising number of foreclosures. A home that's occupied by a family paying something on their mortgage is far better than a home that's empty, on which no one is paying anything.

[Respite]

[I'm out of town and beyond blog access until next Thursday. The world will go on without my commentary.]

Personal bankruptcy and consumption smoothing

The welfare effects of bankruptcy legislation are not correctly understood. Policymakers and the general public think, for the most part, that laws that protect borrowers in the event of default are beneficial to consumers. In practice, however, those laws have negative effects on the households that need credit most — and, ironically, those whom the legislation was intended to protect.

Traditionally, Chapter 7 has been the most popular type of bankruptcy filing. Under that section of the Bankruptcy Code, a filer relinquishes her assets, minus a certain exempted amount, and in return is discharged from her unsecured debt (credit card debt, personal loans, student loans, etc.).

State law sets those exempted amounts. In Illinois, for instance, exemptions are: $7,500 for home equity, $1,200 for motor vehicles, $750 for tools of the trade, and $2,000 for any other generic property. So suppose that you file for bankruptcy in the “Land of Lincoln,” and that you have $20,000 worth of home equity, and a car with a market value of $600. Then you can sell the house and keep $7,500 of the proceeds, and sell your car and keep the $600 (since that’s below the $1,200 limit).

Since 1978, with the passage of the Bankruptcy Reform Act (BRA), there’s also a federal exemption. Some states allow filers to choose between the state and the federal amounts. Obviously, if given the opportunity, filers use whichever is highest.

There is an enormous disparity of bankruptcy exemptions across states, even after accounting for the existence of the federal limits. For example, in 2006 the states of Texas, Florida, Oklahoma, Iowa, Kansas, South Dakota, and the District of Columbia, all allowed for an unlimited homestead exemption. In the states of Ohio and Virginia, at the other extreme, the limit is set at $5,000 (and those states don’t allow for the application of the federal exemption). The map below shows the maximum exemption that a married homeowner could claim in 2003, after combining homestead and non-homestead amounts, and taking the highest of the state and federal limit (where the federal limit is available). The limits also vary over time, although high-exemption states tend to remain the same over the years.

Bankruptcy exemptions under Chapter 7 of the Bankruptcy Code
(in 2003, for a home owner)
Click to enlarge

The amount of the exemption provides insurance for the debtor’s consumption. Suppose that a debtor suffers a setback, such as illness or unemployment, and that she is forced to default on her credit card debt and student loans. In the absence of any exemption, creditors would take a blanket security interest in all of the debtor’s possessions. The existence of an exemption means that she is left with at least a small amount of assets after filing for bankruptcy. Legislators see it as a way to provide a “fresh start.” An alternative view is that a certain amount of assets, and hence consumption, are insured against negative events.

On the other side of the coin, lenders are hurt by this form of consumer protection. Higher exemptions reduce the payments received by the lender in the event of default, and increase the probability of bankruptcy, since the borrower’s punishment for doing so becomes smaller. Creditors rationally respond to higher exemptions by raising interest rates and rationing credit. This rationing may take the form of fewer households with access to debt, smaller loans, or both. Fewer and smaller loans reduce the amount of consumption that households can finance with debt in times of low income.

In theory, then, bankruptcy exemptions have an ambiguous effect on consumption smoothing. Higher exemptions allow bankrupt households to keep more assets; but those same higher exemptions reduce the supply of credit. It is, therefore, an empirical matter whether higher limits enhance or detract from the role of debt as a consumption insurance mechanism.

To answer that question, I put together data on consumption and lay-offs of American households (from the Panel Study of Income Dynamics), as well as bankruptcy exemptions, for as many years as I could get consistent data for. (In practice, that is 1976 through 2003, with the exception of 1994-1997.) The idea is to estimate by how much a family’s consumption is reduced when its main income earner gets laid off, and see how much the hit to consumption changes with the bankruptcy exemption.

As a warm-up and point of reference, I estimate that, without taking into account the exemptions, a household whose breadwinner gets laid off reduces its consumption by five to six percent. Once I include bankruptcy laws in the econometric analysis, I find that households that live in states with unlimited exemptions reduce their consumption by 16 to 18 percent. Households in the top third of the distribution of (limited) exemptions reduce their consumption by nine to ten percent. For households with lower exemptions the effect of unemployment on consumption is low and statistically insignificant. (See chart.)

Click to enlarge

My interpretation of the results is that consumer debt is an important mechanism of consumption insurance. People use loans and credit card debt not only to finance big-ticket items, but also to make ends meet when disaster strikes. Legislation that makes it harder to obtain debt, such as bankruptcy exemptions or interest rate caps, ends up punishing the weakest: people with low wealth, who could make the most use of credit as an insurance device.


Don’t get me wrong: this is not a call to eliminate bankruptcy exemptions. There is a place for them as a means to provide safety to people who have been struck by unexpected events. A zero-exemption policy would probably expand credit supply — at the cost of leaving thousands of families destitute and without a chance to recover. But exorbitant homestead exemptions go way beyond providing a chance for a “fresh start.” Likewise, there’s no reason why people should be allowed to keep $60,000 worth of personal property, as they can do in Texas.

Surely, medical expenses can easily run into the hundreds of thousands of dollars. But that’s a reason to reform health insurance. Limiting the enforceability of credit contracts is a bad way to lay out safety nets.

This post was based on my own research. The write-up of the paper is still in the making. It will be available on my website by January 28. In the meantime, you can have a look at the slides I prepared for a presentation this Friday.

Technorati tags: economics, personal bankruptcy, consumption, bankruptcy exemption, consumption smoothing

Risk Factors For A 2008 Recession

Here are the top risk factors for 2008 US Recession:

• Continuing Housing Bust
• High Oil Prices
• Security Issues
• Credit Crunch
• High Consumer Debt
• Large Trade Deficit
• Consumer Spending is slowing (it makes up 70% of the US GDP)
• Commercial Construction decline
  

The Stimulus: How to Create Jobs Without Them All Going to Skilled Professionals and White Male Construction Workers

The stimulus plan will create jobs repairing and upgrading the nation's roads, bridges, ports, levees, water and sewage system, public-transit systems, electricity grid, and schools. And it will kick-start alternative, non-fossil based sources of energy (wind, solar, geothermal, and so on); new health-care information systems; and universal broadband Internet access.

It's a two-fer: lots of new jobs, and investments in the nation's future productivity.

But if there aren't enough skilled professionals to do the jobs involving new technologies, the stimulus will just increase the wages of the professionals who already have the right skills rather than generate many new jobs in these fields. And if construction jobs go mainly to white males who already dominate the construction trades, many people who need jobs the most -- women, minorities, and the poor and long-term unemployed -- will be shut out.

What to do? There's no easy solution to either dilemma. But there's no reason to think about "green jobs" as simply high-tech. Many low-income and low-skilled workers -- women as well as men -- could be put directly to work providing homes and businesses with more efficient and renewable heating, lighting, cooling, and refrigeration systems; installing solar panels and efficient photovoltaic systems; rehabilitating and renovating old properties, and improving recycling systems. "Green Jobs Corps" teams could be trained to evaluate and advise homeowners and businesses on these and other means of conserving energy.

People can be trained relatively quickly for these sorts of jobs, as well as many infrastructure j0bs generated by the stimulus -- installing new pipes for water and sewage systems, repairing and upgrading equipment, basic construction -- but contractors have to be nudged both to provide the training and to do the hiring.

I'd suggest that all contracts entered into with stimulus funds require contractors to provide at least 20 percent of jobs to the long-term unemployed and to people withincomes at or below 200 percent of the federal poverty level. And at least 2 percent of project funds should be allocated to such training. In addition, advantage should be taken of buildings trades apprenticeships -- wich must be fully available to women and minorities.

Who's Paying For Your Fix?

by Kate Duncan

May/Jun 2003 Issue

Unless your morning latte was a fair trade blend, it probably cost more than what the farmer who picked the beans earns in a day.

Conventional coffee prices are at their lowest in a century, even below the cost of production. Farmers have been leaving the fruit to rot on the tree, pulling the kids out of school, abandoning the family land and pouring into the cities to find non-existent work. That’s why, as the most heavily traded commodity after oil, and the most common beverage after water, coffee is a major focus of the fair trade movement.

If your morning latte was a fair trade brew, it means the person who farmed the beans is earning enough to support his family. This is all well and good, but the way fair trade is usually explained - with prices, numbers and statistics - ignores it’s lasting benefits. The true point of fair trade is the cultural, communal, and environmental stability it bolsters.

A farmer who sells through fair trade is a member of a cooperative that is a vehicle for community empowerment. And not just a neighborhood watch: The people typically organized via fair trade are those whom the free market has filtered to the lowest economic stratum. Rather than maneuvering them into a position where they’re forced to take what they can get, fair trade recognizes farmers as equal partners, a platform from which they can command more control over their business and lives.

'Fair trade is a different kind of business relationship between the producer and buyer, which has been an inspiration to help these communities pull together instead of caving to the pressure of all the things trying to blow them apart,' says Monika Firl. Monika heads up producer relations for Cooperative Coffees, and as such, led half a dozen coffee roasters and me (as a grateful representative of Idyll Development Foundation, one of Cooperative Coffee’s funders) on a buying trip to farmers’ co-ops in Nicaragua, Guatemala, and Mexico in February, where we were able to see the effect for ourselves. [Clamor]

A bash for confidence indexes

Every month the University of Michigan and the Conference Board conduct a survey of households’ confidence on the state of the economy. Each pollster asks several questions and summarizes the results with an index, which is closely watched for signs of consumer distress. Last November, the Michigan index fell by 4.8 points from October; the Conference Board Index dipped by 7.9 points. Supposedly this is bad news because worried consumers are thrifty consumers. Don’t let the surveys fool you: they are almost complete rubbish — unless you know how to use them.


At first glance, both the Michigan index (MI) and the Conference Board index (CI) are correlated with the business cycle: they sink around the beginning of a recession and rebound near the end (see chart nearby, originally published by the Wall Street Journal). They even seem to track the quarter-to-quarter growth of consumption expenditures. Look a bit closer, however, and you’ll see that confidence and reality get out of synch sometimes. For instance, both the MI and the CI were abnormally low relative to consumption growth in 1992-1993, and again during 2002 and 2003. The indices dipped during the Asian crisis of 1998, but consumption growth didn’t budge; conversely, expenditure growth fell dramatically in early 1995 even though sentiment didn’t change.

Formal statistical analyses have found that consumer sentiment says very little that forecasters don’t know already. That is, once this quarter’s spending, interest rates, etc. are known, it does not help much to predict future spending growth. Confidence and expectations matter. The issue, I reckon, is that these particular indices fail to capture them.

A cursory look at the guts of the MI and the CI will convince you that they are literally meaningless. Each of them is a mishmash of five opinions — which, by the way, are not the same for both surveys (see table below). The questionnaires represent but the pollster’s guess of what determines spending. There’s no guarantee that the questions are the ones that actually matter.

Click to enlarge

For instance, the MI doesn’t include questions on job security, whereas the CI doesn’t ask about present personal finances. The potential irrelevance of the surveys becomes painfully clear when one examines the first question of the MI: “Do you think now is a good or bad time for people to buy major household items?” With such a specific wording, that question should predict expenditures on cars, appliances, furniture and such, i.e. durable goods. But once past purchases are included into the forecasting model, confidence and expenditures are barely correlated. [1]

Even if one of the indexes had the right composition, there’s no reason why all the questions should be given equal weights. Personal finances and availability of jobs, for example, may influence a consumer’s expenditures more than overall business conditions; short-term prospects should matter more than distant ones. In both the MI and the CI, however, every question counts the same.


Despite my bashing of the indexes, the surveys are worth keeping. Each of them contains some question that can help predict one or other component of expenditures. More specifically, the Conference Board’s questions about job prospects help forecast expenditures on durable goods: sentiment about the current job situation (question number two in the table) significantly predicts purchases of vehicles and other durables; expectations about future jobs (question four) predicts expenditures on vehicles only. [1] The Michigan survey, on the other hand, contains questions which are not used in the indexes. It would be worth exploring whether they are useful for forecasters.

Unfortunately, the component questions are not accessible to most people. If they are, it’s only with significant delay. And even if they were published timely, most people wouldn’t be able to use them because they can’t handle the number crunching. So here’s my advice for the everyday news consumer. First, don’t draw any conclusions from month-to-month changes of the indexes, no matter how large they are. Start believing them only after several months of consecutive rises or declines. Second, the Conference Board index is a better predictor than the Michigan index, because the latter doesn’t include any question about jobs. Third, rather than sentiment indicators, pay attention to data on the labor market: the unemployment rate and the payroll numbers, for example, averaged over at least three months. Not only do they gauge consumers’ confidence more accurately than the confidence indexes themselves: they influence spending decisions directly (the more unemployment, the less disposable income).

In all fairness, the intention of the MI and the CI was never to forecast any specific variable. They were designed over 40 years ago as a rough measure of the households’ view of the state of the economy. Even if the surveys captured expectations correctly, it should be up to economists, not statisticians, pollsters or newspapers, to figure out how those expectations translate into realized outcomes. Some day we’ll know how to do it. I’m pretty confident.

References and further reading:

[1] Bram and Ludvigson (1998) Does consumer confidence forecast household expenditure? A sentiment index horserace (pdf)

[2] Carroll, Fuhrer and Wilcox (1994) Does consumer sentiment forecast household spending? If so, why? (pdf)

[3] Croushore (2006) Consumer confidence surveys: can they help us forecast consumer spending in real time? (pdf)

Technorati tags: economics, consumer confidence, consumer sentiment, forecasting, expectations

Recession Fears Grow

Reuters reports that "Unsold goods are piling up in warehouses as the housing meltdown and soaring oil prices strain consumers, raising fears that already glum fourth-quarter growth prospects may tip toward recession."

"The sluggishness is apparent in the retail sector, where 70 percent of chain stores posted weaker-than-expected October sales results, according to research firm Retail Metrics.

"We expect the challenging retail environment to continue for the foreseeable future," Mike Ullman, chairman and chief executive officer of department store chain J.C. Penney (JCP.N: Quote, Profile, Research), said last week. He added that the company would keep inventory levels tight through 2008."

Respected economist Nouriel Roubini writes "Any recession call for the U.S. is clearly dependent on US consumption faltering. Since residential investment is only 5% of even a worsening housing recession cannot – by itself – trigger an economy-wide recession. Rather, since private consumption is over 70% of aggregate demand a sharp and persistent slowdown in consumption growth – below 1% or even negative - is necessary to trigger a full blown recession

Thoughts on the End of a Hell of a Year

The biggest thing to happen to me this year was the birth of my first grandchild, a little girl named Ella. I know this kind of thing happens all the time and frankly I get bored with people who go all gushy about the birth of kids or grandkids.

I’m bringing Ella up not so much because she’s special -- of course she is -- but because she was born right in the middle of the worst economic downturn in my lifetime and probably yours, and maybe even hers. Ella came with a crash.

Like almost everyone else, I’ve lost a big chunk of my savings this year. And the house I bought here in Berkeley at the very top of the housing boom is probably worth a lot less than I paid for it. I’m not too worried about my job because I have tenure here at the University of California, although maybe I should worry because the state is technically bankrupt. Still, I'm one of the lucky ones.

Yet all of this seems somehow beside the point, relative to Ella.

Having kids or grandkids expands your focus and also your time horizon. You pay a bit less attention to what the Dow is likely to do over the next quarter and more to the underlying wealth of the nation. By that I don't mean just its gross domestic product but also its gross domestic decency, if there were such a measure: The quality of our public schools and of our atmosphere, the extent of our openness and generosity toward one another, our national promise of opportunity to all. You find yourself less interested in the gossip surrounding Bernie Madoff or Rod Blagojevich than in the larger questions they raise about private greed and public morality.

Alright, maybe I am going all gushy. The point is, it's the Ellas of the world we're fighting for. This Mini-Depression is causing a lot of pain, to be sure, but it will be over in a year or three. Yet what kind of economy will we have on the other side? Will we have a more just society?

Which brings me to the end of the year. I wish you not just a happy and prosperous new year. On that score, 2009 may be something of a bummer. I wish you and your kids and grandkids, and Ella, something more -- a decent, generous, and humane future.

Sugar Giants Shove Their Sweetener

by Chris Tenove

Jul/Aug 2003 Issue

What does anybody know about the sugar industry? The people who put the frosting on the frosted flakes keep a low profile and are happy when folks are too busy eating to ask a lot of questions. Now, though, a dust-up with the World Health Organization (WHO) has flushed them into the limelight, where they're pitting profits against public health.

The conflict was inflamed by a new set of dietary guidelines drawn from two years of research by the WHO and the UN Food and Agricultural Organization. The guidelines are part of a worldwide strategy to tame the swelling epidemic of obesity, diabetes, osteoporosis and cardiovascular diseases. One recommendation is that free sugars (i.e. sugar added to foods) should make up no more than 10 percent of our daily caloric intake. The sugar lobby reacted to that suggestion like a toddler asked to hand back his Halloween booty...

'It was particularly stupid for them to put in writing that they're going to try to get Congress to take away WHO's money,' says Michael Jacobsen, executive director of the Center for Science in the Public Interest. 'It gave consumers a chance to see the kind of bullying that is usually done behind closed doors.' [Adbusters]

The burden of spending

Over the 12 months to October 2007, home prices in the 20 largest metropolitan areas declined by 6.1 percent. And they have fallen every month since January. With less equity to borrow from, homeowners could cut their spending. As a second whammy, a large volume of adjustable rate mortgages are scheduled to reset to higher interest rates between 2008 and 2012. The burden of higher monthly payments could force households to reduce their expenditures too.

Economic growth and consumer debt are inextricably connected in the U.S. And it’s been that way for so long that it’s easy to forget why and what that implies.

Spending has outpaced personal income since the mid 1980s. Households saved ten percent of disposable income in 1985, five percent in the mid 1990s, and then nothing in 2005. (See chart 1, maroon series, scale on the left axis.)

Chart 1 (click to enlarge)

Low interest rates motivated the consumption ramp-up. Loose monetary policy played its part, but it would be incorrect to blame it all on the Fed. The massive accumulation of wealth by developing countries lowered the opportunity cost of spending, as Alan Greenspan has explained.

Interest rates motivated it, but the borrowing spree was made possible by innovations in the financial sector that increased the supply of debt. The introduction of the FICO score in the early 1990s improved the assessment of a borrower’s creditworthiness – or at least lenders believe so. By pegging interest rates to an index, instead of offering fixed rates, lenders transferred some financial risk to borrowers. Securitization of debt balances shifted some more of that risk off the lenders’ balance sheets.

The problem with a growth path based on borrowing and spending is that it has a natural end. An individual’s debt limit is determined by her creditworthiness, income capacity and collateral. That limit may be high relative to current income, and it may even be unknown to the borrower — after all, it’s up to the lender to draw the line. But once debt balances reach that limit, spending can grow only as fast as income (minus debt payments). Consumption is pinned to the vagaries of income. At the aggregate level, that means that economic growth is more vulnerable to unemployment and to the swings of the stock and real estate markets.

For instance, back in 2001 unemployment was rising, investment fell sharply, and share prices crashed. But overall the economy held up better than expected. Why? One explanation lies in real estate wealth. That year house prices rose by nine percent and consumers borrowed against home equity.

As a gauge of the current level of indebtedness, households now spend almost 15 percent of their disposable income on interest payments, including mortgages. (See chart 1, blue series, scale on the right axis.) If you include repayment of principal, the fraction of debt payments is much larger. Debt repayments are linked to interest rates, and hence subject to unforeseeable increases. Hence the worry about mortgage resets.

The main variables that determine spending and access to debt are outside the policymaker’s control. The cost of borrowing depends on the world level and distribution of savings. Lenders will continue to improve their assessment and management of risk, thus reducing the cost of credit. And central banks are capable of controlling inflation, but not of preventing asset bubbles or stimulating long-run growth.

But don’t despair: tax policy can mend our spending ways. First of all, do no harm. Tax laws can distort the cost of borrowing. The Tax Reform Act of 1986 partially addressed this issue by getting rid of the deduction for interest paid on consumer debt (credit card and uncollateralized loans). The deduction for mortgage interest should go next. I concede that there’s a (weak) case for subsidizing home ownership. But these days a house is much more than a place to live: it’s a piggy bank to draw from. There is no reason why the government should subsidize that.

Second, replace the personal income tax with a tax on consumption. A basic tenet of economics is that if you tax something you get less of it. An income tax punishes work. Instead, the government could levy a tax on the difference between income and contributions to savings. The new tax could be progressive, rather than flat, and could include personal deductions, just like the current personal income tax.

The main obstacle to those tax policies is political. The mortgage interest deduction is popular, and a consumption tax is still regarded as an oddity. No presidential candidate who actually cares about being elected would make such proposals. Perhaps in 2012, if the then incumbent president can afford it. Changing the nature of American economic growth is a cause worthy of spending political capital on.

Technorati tags: economics, consumption, consumer debt, consumer expenditures, economic growth

Housing Bubble Sites

National Sites

• The Housing Bubble
• The House Bubble
• Housing Panic
• Paper Economy a US Real Estate Bubble Blog
• Housing Doom Housing Bubble
• Doctor Housing Bubble
• Bubble Markets Inventory Tracking
• Priced Out Fovever
• HousingTracker
• Matrix
• The Real Estate Bloggers
• The Mortgage Lender Implode-O-Meter
• Housing Bubble Casualty
• Housing Bubble Bust
• Bubble Pictures
• Bubble News Network
• Lawrence Yun Watch
• Is There a Housing Bubble
• Real Estate Comments

Regional Sites

• DC Home Prices
• Greater Northern VA Housing Bubble Fallout
• Frankly Realty (Virginia)
• Baltimore Metro Area Housing Blog
• Baltimore Housing Bubble
• Chicago Bubble Blog
• Irvine Housing Bubble
• The Jersey Shore RE Bubble
• New Jersey Real Estate Report
• Socket Site (San Francisco)
• Patrick.net (San Francisco)
• Bay Area Real Estate Blog
• Burbed (San Francisco)
• Marin Real Estate Bubble
• Sonoma Housing Bubble
• Seattle Bubble
• Calgary Contrarian
• Vancouver Housing Market Blog
• SoCal Real Estate Bubble Blog
• Flippers in Trouble (Sacramento)
• Portland Housing
• Proffesor Piggington (San Deigo)
• Pacific Beach Bubble
• Boston Bubble
• California Housing Forecast
• Massachusetts Housing Market
• Vancouver Condo Info
• New York City Housing Bubble

The Debate to Come over Wall Street, Autos, and Everything Else: Cyclical or Structural?

First prediction for 2009: A widening gap between the public's view of the bailouts of Wall Street and Detroit, and the views of the direct beneficiaries. The public believes the bailouts will permanently change these industries, but industry insiders don't really want to change.

Exhibit one is Goldman Sach's CEO Lloyd Blankfein, who says the firm's business strategy doesn't need to change.

What? Goldman got $10 billion of taxpayer money precisely because it and other big banks were so over-leveraged they threatened the whole financial system. I can understand why Blankfein doesn’t want to change. He took home $54 million last year. (He has foregone a bonus this year and is taking home a piddling $600,000.) But the public expects real reform for its $10 billion at Goldman and tens of billions more in other major banks.

Blankfein isn't alone. I've heard the same thing from CEOs and directors all over the Street. They see the problem as cyclical, not structural. "The economy stinks," they tell me, "but it'll turn around in 18 months, and then we're back to the same business."

Or take the Big Three. They've agreed to become far more fuel efficient, as a condition for their bailout. But they promised this before -- during the oil crisis of the 1970s, when Congress threatened higher fuel-economy standards. But after the crisis passed, they never delivered. Why? Because their biggest profits were in gas guzzlers that consumers wanted to buy as soon as the first oil crisis was over.

Will history repeat itself? Now that gas prices are half what they were six months ago, consumers who can afford it are suddenly less interested in fuel efficiency. They're buying fewer hybrids and showing renewed interest in SUVs. So why should we think Detroit will revolutionize itself?

I'm not so cynical as to accuse anyone of bad faith. It's just that both Wall Street and Detroit earned big bucks from their old strategies, before the bottom fell out of the economy. So it’s natural they’d view the bailouts as ways to hold on until the economy rebounds. And it's clear they see their problem as cyclical, not structural.

Right now, Wall Street and Detroit are willing to say whatever they need to say to keep the taxpayer money coming. But when the economy begins turning up, my betting is that their Washington lobbyists will push back hard against any major restructurings the government wants to impose on them. New regulations of Wall Street will be watered down and circumvented; new requirements on the Big Three for green technologies will be resisted.

Yet the bailouts have been sold to the public as means toward fundamental change in finance and autos. If the bailouts are to do what they're supposed to – stop Wall Street from wild risk-taking with piles of borrowed money, and push the auto industry into making fundamentally new products that conserve energy -- Washington will not only have to set strict standards now and in the months ahead when the bailout money flows, but also hang tough when the economy begins to revive.

The emerging debate over Wall Street's and the Big Three's ongoing obligations to reform themselves is but one part of a much larger national debate we'll be entering upon in 2009 and beyond -- whether the economic crisis we're experiencing is basically cyclical (in which case, nothing really needs to change over the long term, after the economy gets back on track) or structural (in which case, many aspects of our economy and society will needs to change permanently).

There Was a Reason They Called It... The Casino Economy

by Thomas Croft

02 Jul 03

In the last three years, a 'perfect storm' of rising energy costs, record consumer and corporate debt and massive trade and current account deficits joined with unsustainable investment practices, and resulted in an economic collapse. The first recession since 1929 to be primarily caused by over-investment, these 'collateral damage' investing schemes-in overseas boondoggles and sweatshops, extreme mergers, absurd dot-coms and derivative scams-all came home to roost. Enron used all of these investment tricks and more. The corruption scandals of 2001-2 completed the melt-down. Now, the world is probably in a double-dip recession, thanks partly to the scandal and continuing international disruptions.

The problem with casino bets and Russian Roulette is that somebody always loses. [CounterPunch]